Exploring the relationship between intonation and the lexicon: 

Evidence for lexicalised storage of intonation

Katrin Schweitzer, Michael Walsh, Sasha Calhoun, Hinrich Schutze, Bernd Mobius, Antje Schweitzer, Grzegorz Dogil

 

Speech Communication (2015)

Sheng-Fu @2014/12/18

Introduction

The question

Are the choice of intonation contour and the form of the contour independent of the words used?

The Autosegmental-Metric Theory

 

  • The assignment of intonation is autonomous from the segmental level

    • The separation of the lexical and the tonal level

    • Realization of pitch contours is determined by phonetic rules

      • (refering to tonal sequences and metrical organization)

    • At odds with the idea of storing acoustic details with lexical items

The Exemplar Theory

 

  • Detailed episodic storage

  • Frequent units lead to many exemplars

  • Frequent units display less variation

    • “entrenchment” (Lee et al., 1999; Pierrehumber, 2001)
  • Present study: lexical and word+accent frequency

Exemplar models and prosody/intonation

  • Current exemplar models do not take account of intonation

  • Frequency effects on prosody

    • acquisition of the prosodic word (Vigario et al., 2006)

    • word stress assignment (Daelemans et al., 1994)

    • predictability of syllable duration (Schiweitzer & Mobius, 2004)

  • Present study: frequency effect on PA variability

    • Evidence for supporting an exemplar view on word+intonation

Corpus Analysis

Overview

Parametrisation of pitch accent shape

(The PaIntE model)

  • a1 and a2: steepness of rise and fall

  • b: alignment of the peak
  • c1 and c2: amplitude of the falling and rising sigmoid
  • It is also possible to use one sigmoid only (c)
  • d: height of the peak

Experiment 1

absolute frequency of pitch accent + word

Data

  • Annotated part of the DIRNDL-Corpus, German radio news broadcasts (5 hours and 16 min)

  • 7871 L*H and 6118 H*L tokens 
  • For each word type, frequencies of combination with L*H and H*L were calculated
    • outliners for any PaIntE parameters were removed
    • patterns that are not "clear" were removed

Results of Plausibility checks

Methods

  • Dependent variable: accent range (c1 and c2)
  • Fixed Factors:
    • frequency of word+accent pairs (logged)
    • number of accent to the next IP boundary
    • coda size (number of segments)
    • onset/coda classification: -V, +S, +V-S
  • Random intercepts and slopes for word and speaker
  • Linear mixed model with likelihood ratio tests
    • add fixed factors separately, only keep the significant ones

Result for H*L

The range is increased by approx. 0.89 Hz for each unit increase in logged frequency of occurrence

Result for L*H

  • higher word+PA frequency, bigger range
  • sonorant coda, bigger range
  • closer to the boundary, bigger range

Experiment 2

relative frequency of pitch accent + word

Methods: Accent variability

  • Statistical tests: as in Exp 1
    • New fixed factor: relative frequency: "how often is does the word type bear the accent?"
  • Calculating the variability of realization
    1. z-scoring the PaIntE parameters for speakers and accent types
    2. The vector for each token = {a1, a2, b, c1, c2, d}
    3. For each token, the vector's distance with other tokens of the same type (word+PA) was calculated
    4. Average distance = variability

Methods: Accent variability

  • For example, for a token "Porsche"+H*L
    • Variability (DV) = it's average distance with all other tokens for  "Porsche"+H*L
    • Absolute frequency (IV) = type frequency of  "Porsche"+H*L
    • Relative frequency (IV) = 
\frac{``Porsche"+H*L}{``Porsche"}
Porsche"Porsche"+HL

Result for H*L

higher rel.freq, lower variability

higher abs.freq, higher variability

sonorant coda, lower variability

Result for L*H

  • Result: higher abs.freq, higher variability

Experiment 3

relative frequency of word in lexical context

Data

  • A subset of the Switchboard corpus (6 hours)

    • PA location and boundary location were labeled.

  • Two datasets were extracted
    • prosodic pattern dataset
      • trigrams with a frequency > 4
    • pitch accent variability dataset
      • trigrams with a PA on the middle word
  • Relative frequency: 

\frac{trigram frequency}{middle word frequency}
middlewordfrequencytrigramfrequency

Prosodic pattern variability: Methods

  • Prosodic pattern: two variables
    • NoAcc vs. Acc
    • NoBound vs. Bound
    • e.g. NoAcc-NoBound—Acc-NoBound—NoAcc-Bound.
  • Variability:

    • Most common pattern for a word in any trigram (e.g., lot)

    • For each trigram with the middle word (lot), determine whether it has that common pattern

      • This is the binary dependent variable

Prosodic pattern variability: Methods

  • For example: for the trigram: "a lot of"
    • find the most frequent prosodic pattern for "lot" in all kind of trigrams when it's the middle word
    • " NoAcc-NoBound—Acc-NoBound—NoAcc-Bound"
    • For each token of "a lot of", determine if it has the pattern (DV)
  • Independent variables:
    • absolute frequency of "lot"
    • relative frequency:  "a lot of" divided by "lot"

Prosodic pattern variability: Results

  • higher rel.word.freq, higher probability for having the most common prosodic pattern (lower variability)
  • higher absolute word.freq, lower probability for having the most common prosodic pattern (higher variability) 

Pitch accent variability: Methods

  • Calculation: same as Exp. 2
    1. z-scoring the PaIntE parameters for speakers
    2. The vector for each token (middle word) = {a1, a2, b, c1, c2, d}
    3. For each token, the vector's distance with other tokens of the same type was calculated
    4. Average distance = variability
  • For example, for a token of "a lot of"
    • Variability (DV) = it's average distance with all other tokens for "lot" in  "a lot of"
    • Absolute frequency (IV) = type frequency of  "lot"
    • Relative frequency (IV) = "a lot of" divided by "lot"

Pitch accent variability: Methods

Pitch accent variability: Results

  • higher rel.word.freq, lower variability

Discussion

and Conclusion

PA+word freq and Accent range

  • PA's F0 range increases as PA+word's frequency increases
  • The relationship between tonal and word levels has no obvious explanation in AM theory
  • Theories of episodic storage are able to explain this

    • linguistic units as concrete and highly specified instances, containing properties of the tonal and the lexical

  • Why greater range with greater frequency?
    • choosing the exemplars meeting communication goals
    • PA = prominence

PA+word rel.freq and PA variability

  • Less variability with increasing relative frequency (H*L)

    • if a word if often realized with a particular accent type (communicative function), then the set of exemplars will be more homogeneous
  • More variability with increasing absolute frequency 

    • Greater absolute frequency = greater variability because tokens are coming from all contexts

Trigram frequency, prosodic context, PA realization

  • As relative trigram frequency increases...

    • more homogeneous prosodic context (more likely to be the most common pattern)

    • less variability for pitch Accent realization

  • Evidence for cohesion between the word and its prosodic realization

  • Explained with the exemplar theory:

    • tonal events are stored with lexical sequences

    • words collocate together will be stored together and acquire particular phonetic characteristics

Other Discussions

  • Word and PA tokens separately with co-index?

  • Pitch contours and words together?
    • This explains the results of entrenched intonation (less variability) better
  • Effects too subtle?

    • intonational information is very uneven across the lexicon, so effects do not show well across words

Conclusion

  • This study demonstrates effects on intonation that
    should be considered in exemplar-theoretic models.

  • Entrenchment should be modelled for tonal parameters.
  • Frequency of occurrence effects are
    acknowledged

Evidence for lexicalised storage of intonation

By sftwang0416

Evidence for lexicalised storage of intonation

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