A Sonority Model of Syllable Contraction in Taiwanese Southern Min
Hui-Chuan Hsu(許慧娟)
In the descriptive model, syllable contraction results from deletion, but how it proceeds has not been well described. By contrast, the Edge-in model fares better in proposing a set of specific rules to account for the derivational paths. This paper modifies the Edge-in model and accounts for syllable contraction from a sonority perspective. It is shown that the sonority approach, which is able to avoid the problems of the Edge-in model, is also more explanatory.
目標
* Descriptive Model： P.161
* Edge
* Edge-in Model：兩側取音
1. Conditioning environment
2. Governing Principles
they both follow the same rules(Edge-in, LR-scanning) and have the contraction occur on the skeletal tier
- Chung, Raung-fu(1996), The Segmental Phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan , pp. 131-166
The Edge-in Model(兩側取音)
文獻回顧
Every syllable in Taiwanese Southern Min present a three X-slot template, with the nucleus in the middle. When contraction occurs, the two source syllables essentially turn into one.
- Chung (1996, p. 118)
縮合過程
kue
lai
k u ai
The association of melodies* with the skeletal slots begins with the edges. Specifically, the first segment of the first syllable and the last segment of the second syllable have priority.
→兩側取音个原則之一
*Each segment comprises a slot, or a position, linked to a group of phonetic properties. The phonetic properties are called the melody.
hoo + lang => hong
Edge-in should observe the universal Sonority Sequencing Principle (a, e, o > i, u). If the melody ends with a [+syllabic] segment, it has priority to associate with the nucleus position, as exemplified in (3). →若是重疊，會先對優先順序來揀元音
By [+syllabic], Chung means that only non-high vowels bear the feature.
Finally, the vocoids are linked to the nucleus position by scanning from left to right.
LR-scanning : Scan the melodies from left to right to get the first [+syllabic]; if [+syllabic] is not available, get the first [–consonantal] segment and associate it with the nucleus position.
* LR-Scanning：左右搜尋
An important phonological process in syllable contraction is V-neutralization, by which mid vowels become high when they form rimes(韻基) with the following vowels, evidenced in (7). Notice that V-neutralization does not affect (5) since it would otherwise create *huaŋ, which violates the Branching-N Constraint (Chung 1996, p. 72).
(7) to + lai → tuai ‘come back’
return come
Assuming there is V-neutralization, a comparison between (8) and (9) indicates a restriction on the source of the glide(趨音) of a rising diphthong*(上升雙母音), which is stated in (10).
The prevocalic u in (8) does not come from the second syllable but derives from ɔ by V-neutralization. Otherwise, there is no reason why *kua is rejected in (9).
(8) hɔ + gua → hua ‘by me’
by me
(9) ka + gua → ka/*kua/*kau ‘to me’
to me
(10) Glide Constraint
The glide of a rising diphthong in a
contracted syllable may not be taken
from the second source syllable.
*rising diphthong : a diphthong in which the first of two apparent vocalic elements is of lesser stress or sonority than the second, as the (wä) in guava
Mirror-image condition : The glide of a f alling diphthong may not come from the first source syllable.
(11) tsa + k i → tsai ‘morning’
early rise
(12) loʔ + k i → loi ‘get down’
descend go
h
h
理論个問題 - Edge-in
bo + iau kin → bua/*bou/*buau/*biau/*bau kin
(14) na + e an ne → nai an ne (15) tsa + bɔ laŋ → tsau laŋ
In (14) the output would be *
According to Chung, the leftmost [+syllabic] segment gets associated with the nucleus position. Yet neither (16) nor (17) complies with this rule.
(16) sio + kaŋ → siaŋ/*sioŋ/*suaŋ (17) u te + thaŋ khi → u taŋ/*teŋ/*tiaŋ khi
理論个問題
(18) loʔ + lai → luai/*loi (19) to + lai → tuai/*toi
(20) bo + iau kin → bua/*bou/*buau/*biau/*bau kin
Edge-in and LR-scanning:
Serious problem:
Glide Constraint: The glide of a rising diphthong in a contracted syllable may not be taken from the second source syllable.
Glide Constraint:
(21) lai 21 + khi 53 tai pak → lai 23 tai pak
Only Edge-in can describe
Sonority Model(音響模型)
V-neutralization and Phonotactic(音位) Constraints are adopted here. Nonetheless, the Glide Constraint is abandoned since Vocoid Syllabification(元音音節化) together with Vocoid Association takes care of relevant matters. Last, the No Crossing Line Constraint, the Non-identity Constraint, and Glide Transfer are added in the sonority model to accommodate more data.
The X-theory
A nuclear high vowel is dominated by N, and a non-nuclear high vowel by N′ or N″. However, Taiwanese Southern Min contains two diphthongs composed of two successive high vowels, namely /iu/ and /ui/. Without a specific sonority scale, the X-theory cannot correctly present their rime structures.
Syllabic nasals further argue for the necessity of a sonority scale.
Though they are [+syllabic], the nucleus position is never their docking site in syllable contraction. The reason lies in that nasals have less sonority than vowels. In (26) the voiced output onset results from a co-occurrence restriction that nasals cannot precede oral vowels in Taiwanese Southern Min.
/iu/, /ui/
Under the assumption that energy amplitude is in direct proportion to sonority, /i/ is the nucleus when adjacent to /u/ as a diphthong. The fact that /i/ has more sonority than /u/ implies the sonority
scale of /e/ > /o/.
Sonority Hierarchy : a > ɔ > e > o > i > u.
有一寡問題
(32) tsit + e → tse/*tsie
(33) si + bɔ → siɔ
(34) toʔ + ui → toi/*tou
(35) tsit + tsun → tsin/*tsiun
(36) hit + tsun → hin/*hiun
(37) li + khuann → niann/*nuann
Ci, initial consonant
Gm, medial glide
V, nucleus vowel
Go, postnuclear offglide
Cf, final consonant
bo + e → be :
Empirical Data Demonstration
na + e an ne → nai an ne
tsa + bɔ laŋ → tsau laŋ
With more sonority, e is therefore the nucleus vowel.
V-neutralization changes o into the prenuclear glide u.
No Crossing Line Constraint
(38)ka + gua → ka/*kua ‘to me’
(39)u tsai 21 + tiau 21 khi
→ u tsau 21/*tsiau 21/*tsai 21 khi
The
(41)ka 21 + gua 33 ma → ka 23 ma
(42)lai 21 + khi 53 tai pak
→ lai 23 tai pak
Non-Identity Constraint
(43) hɐm paŋ 22 + laŋ22 → hɐm plaŋ 22/*paŋ22 ‘all’
(44) tsik pɐt 5 + lɐt 5 → tsik plɐt 5/*pɐt 5
straight pen fall
‘straight as a ramrod’
(45) kɔk 5 + lɔk 5 thɐu → klɔk 5/*kɔk 5 thɐu ‘corner’
corner head
(46) jɐt kɐu 22 + lɐu 22 → jɐt klɐu 22/*kɐu 22
‘in pieces’
Their output rimes come from the second source syllables because of the No Crossing Line Constraint.
Just as different strategies of concealment are employed in Chinese secret languages, dialects vary in how the Non-identity Constraint is at work in them.
(47) loi 11 + hi 55 → li 15/*loi 15 ‘go’
come go
Sixian Hakka:
to + lai → tuai
(8)hɔ + gua → hua
This paper proposes that the Glide Constraint be abandoned. Since ɔ has more sonority than u, the output prevocalic glide in (8) results from V-neutralization of the mid vowel
(16)sio + kaŋ → siaŋ/*sioŋ/*suaŋ
Under Maximality, i joins in the contraction to create the largest possible syllable. The illicit *suaŋ is eliminated by the
Branching-N Constraint blocking co-occurrence of the prevocalic u and a dorsal consonant. The legitimate sioŋ fails to surface because the less sonorous o cannot serve as the nucleus vowel.
(20)bo + iau kin → bua kin
Glide Transfer
Requires input-output structural correspondence on the part of the glides.
If joining syllable contraction, must be a prenuclear glide in the output.
If a glide is ever involved in syllable contraction, it surfaces as a glide without question.
ka + gua → ka/*kua/*kau
*A nucleus vowel can be realized as a nucleus vowel, a prenuclear glide, or a postnuclear glide, depending on Vocoid Association guided by the sonority hierarchy.
4.1. Remaining Problems
(55) hɔ + guan → huan/*hɔn
(56) ke + lai → kai/?kiai/*kia
(57) khi + lai → khai/khiai/*khia
(58) si + tsun → s un
4.2. Violability(可違反性) of Phonotactic Constraints
Failure of the second nucleus vowel to take part in the contraction because of a co-occurrence restriction makes their preceding onsets necessary segmental participants in syllable merger.
*Dissimilatory Constraint
On the other hand, syllable contraction creates forms exempt from the Dissimilatory Constraint.
5. Conclusion
- Every syllable has a three-X template
- The sonority hierarchy of a > ɔ > e > o > i > u determines Vocoid Association
- V-neutralization turns mid vowels into high when they form rimes with the adjacent vowels
- Chung’s Glide Constraint can be replaced by Glide Association according to the sonority scale
- The output abides by Maximality to construct the largest possible syllable
- The Non-identity Constraint is at work not only in Taiwanese Southern Min but in Gunagzhou and Sixian Hakka as well
- The glide keeps its linear position with respect to the input and output nucleus vowels
- Stress does not play a role in Vocoid Association
- As a product of fast speech, syllable contraction does not always observe phonotactics.
A Sonority Model of Syllable Contraction in Taiwanese Southern Min
By lzong
